The Tribal Psychology of Rape
Why Sexual Assault is Not a Deal-breaker for Republicans
“Judge Persky: Enabler” by Chloe Allred
Even the most casual observer of MAGA’s swaggering sadism and preoccupation with domination cannot fail to notice that predation in all its expressions is perfectly on brand for their party. It lends muscular street cred to candidates. And it induces a frisson of delight in the base, especially the manosphere. It can nearly and, in some cases, completely eclipse the economic pain inflicted by the policies of its leaders. This reality is particularly vivid when predation is sexual. At minimum, credible accusations of sexual harassment or rape against Republicans are rarely a bar to running for or being elected or appointed to high office. Some of the more prominent examples include Roy Moore, Clarence Thomas, Bret Kavanaugh, Pete Hegseth, and most notably Donald Trump.
The grievance of the predator.
In contrast, merely the accusation of sexual predation will end the career of a Democratic politician overnight, as exemplified by the cases of Anthony Weiner, Al Franken, Andrew Cuomo, Eric Swalwell, and now Graham Platner. (I’m leaving out of this discussion those involved in episodes of misconduct, like infidelity, comprised of consensual if ethically questionable behavior.)
One of the more notorious cases where an accusation against a Democrat did not detonate a political career is that of Joe Biden. Accused of sexual assault by a former aide, Tara Reade, Biden not only denied the events in question, but no one present during that period in1993 could verify anything resembling her account. In addition, all those interviewed said that while such conduct among other male politicians was well known, it was profoundly out of character for Biden.
The epilogue to that drama is particularly notable. Not only were documents and postings uncovered in which Ms. Reade sang the praises of Vladimir Putin, but she eventually sought and received political asylum in Russia. She now works for Putin’s propaganda outlet, RT, alongside Maria Butina, the famous Russian honeypot spy who ensnared several American politicians.
The partisan differences in attitudes don’t just show up among leaders or party elites. They are also reflected in the sentiments of ordinary voters. A particularly revealing Quinnipiac poll asked respondents: “If a political candidate has been accused of sexual harassment by multiple women, would you still consider voting for them if you agreed with them on the issues, or would you definitely not vote for them?” 81% of Democrats said they wouldn’t vote for such a candidate. Whereas only 41% of Republicans took that position. Strikingly, the 40% partisan gap was substantially larger than the 17% gender gap between men and women.
In a study authored by researchers from the University of St. Louis and Reed College, Republican subjects exhibited stronger “rape-supportive” attitudes in response to various hypothetical scenarios than did Democratic subjects. That included more victim blaming, permissiveness toward the perpetrator, and tendency for their moral judgements to be mediated by the partisan identity of the parties involved. In other words, Republican study participants were more likely to devalue “Democratic” victims and excuse “Republican” rapists in the fictional accounts. When victims were viewed as Republican, conservative subjects saw them as more credible. That sort of ingroup favoritism was not seen in liberal participants.
Of course, nobody has normalized the right-wing ethos of predation more than Donald Trump. After his election victory in 2024, the incidence of online rape threats went up quickly and dramatically. Fascist trolls, like Nick Fuentes, got the message: There is a new sheriff in town. And this one leads, rather than arrests, misogynist lynch mobs. “Your body, my choice. Forever,” Fuentes proclaimed on election day, even before official results were announced. Posted on X (of course), it garnered 90 million views and 35,000 repostings. It even prompted an alarming cautionary notice to parents in one Minnesota school district, expressing concern over a possible surge in sexual assaults. Right-wing activists in Texas celebrated Trump’s victory by parading with signs reading, “Women are Property.” Two weeks after Fuentes’ post, he was feted by the new president at Mar-a-Lago, along with fellow Hitler-loving misogynist and accused rapist and sexual trafficker, Kayne West.
Rape evangelist and fascist incel Nick Fuentes savors his admission into the MAGA brotherhood.
If acceptance of rape is a feature and not a bug in the moral software of the right-wing worldview, how do we make psychological sense of it? Putatively, the GOP is the party of family values, strenuously asserted Christian theology, scrupulously constrained sexual appetites, and chivalrous defenders of women who know their place. But behind all that performative piety and virtue signaling lurks a set of psychological predispositions that explains the less savory reality we can all plainly see.
I have written extensively on Substack, here and here, and in my book about a psychological trait researchers have found to be a defining feature of conservative identity around the world, social dominance orientation (SDO). It refers to the tendency to embrace group-based hierarchy and a corresponding aversion to equality. One’s tribe is not only viewed as superior, but that superiority justifies rule over other tribes seen as inferior. Conservatives tend to score very high on this trait and it partially explains the various manifestations of the right-wing sense of entitlement to rape, pillage, and plunder – in short, to steal. Whether that theft is of bodily autonomy, political freedom, economic security, personal dignity, or natural resources, it can be justified if it serves one’s own group and takes from outsiders.
There is another set of traits underlying multiple partisan differences, including attitudes towards rape. It concerns a quality of mind researchers call “moral foundations.” It refers to the intuitive criteria by which we determine the moral basis for all action. It is not so much the reason we give to justify or condemn a particular behavior but the unexamined and instinctive assumptions behind those reasons, our deeply held but inchoate moral values.
Studies have consistently shown that liberals tend to be driven by a concern for fairness, equality, care, and harm avoidance. Conservatives, on the other hand, are more likely to be motivated by ingroup loyalty, deference to traditional authority, a desire for purity, and sanctity. Researchers from the University of North Texas and the University of Texas at Austin used this framework to understand partisan differences in the acceptance of various rape myths, beliefs about sexual assault that are without a factual basis, such as victim blaming, perpetrator justification, and trauma minimization.
Spoiler alert: subjects with the moral instincts of liberals were far less likely to accept myths associated with rape. Correspondingly, those who see the world through the lenses of conservative moral intuitions were more likely to believe those myths. The reasons for this are probably self-evident, even in my schematic summary of the research.
If your ethical reasoning is driven by care, avoidance of harm, and a bias toward (gender) equality, it becomes much harder to identify with and excuse a perpetrator and blame (female) victims for their own trauma. In contrast, if you value traditional authority (male in this case) and see those who have more power as divinely ordained (sanctified) to wield it over others, and view women as either pure or soiled, you are going to view victims as somehow responsible for their own victimization. Moreover, your bias toward ingroup loyalty is going incline you to somehow excuse perpetrators who are members of your tribe.
It is no wonder that Donald Trump thinks that because he is a “celebrity,” “they let you do it.” And it is no mystery that being a rapist is not disqualifying for Republican voters. Indeed, forcing others to submit to your will is a badge of honor. As the jean patch below can attest, sexual predation will mark you as a MAGA member in good standing. On sale now for only $2. Let your creep flag fly and get one while they last.






Why we must teach social ethics K-12.